Who did upset India’s applecart in Kashmir in
2008-16?
Ahmed Ali Fayyaz
_________
Certainly for the first
time, the Jammu and Kashmir government’s pre-Budget Economic Survey-2016 has
attributed all deficits of growth and other liabilities to the “political
strife” that, in a bold official admission, assumed a menacing dimension in the
year 2008 and is continuing to be unceasing and intractable. Without comment on
his millennial ideas of recovery in the last two — now three — Budgets, one has
to appreciate the State’s failures on the developmental front and resource
mobilisation admitted by Finance Minister Haseeb Drabu even as, to some, it
sounds nothing more than a search for alibi.
Notwithstanding PDP’s
passion for the green and the pen-and-inkpot election symbol left behind by the
Hizbul Mujahideen’s chief Syed Salahuddin, I had never any confusion about
Mufti Mohammad Sayeed being a die-hard Indian patriot and New Delhi’s most
trusted politician in Jammu and Kashmir. “Would you also succeed Farooq
Abdullah as Chairman of the Unified Headquarters and preside over the
counter-insurgency operation of the Police and security forces?”, I asked Mufti
at his first press conference as Chief Minister for which he flew to Srinagar
in November 2002. “Yes, I will”, Mufti retorted, “without any hesitation, but
ensure that there’s no human rights abuse”.
Next month, while we were
walking together toward his helicopter after he addressed the PDP’s first post-victory
show at Khannabal, Mufti slowed down and asked me: “What do the people say now?”
Keeping with my style, I said: “Honestly speaking, many of them feel happy and
relieved. But, quite a number of them have apprehensions that the militants
would regroup and the separatists would find it easy to reclaim their base”.
Allaying the impression, Mufti stopped and said: “I’ll soon wipe them out from
the root. Their game is over”.
True to his word, and in
total contrast to his soft-separatist rhetoric in statements and public
meetings, Mufti wiped out the core of militancy in the next three years of his coalition
rule. Almost all the top Hizbul Mujahideen commanders, who in the year 2000 had
responded to an Indian initiative and met with Union Home Secretary Kamal
Pandey at Nehru Guest House, were caught alive and killed.
Riyaz Rasool was captured
in Soura outskirts and killed near Zainakote. ‘Operational chief’ Saiful Islam
nee Engineer Zaman was captured in a bank manager’s house, in close vicinity of
Mufti’s house in Nowgam, and later killed at midnight. Commander Masood Tantray
was seized in Pampore and subsequently killed in a fake encounter. Majid Dar
and Farooq Mirchal are believed to have been eliminated by their own
organisation.
Even as it was for the
first time that a Minister (Dr Ghulam Nabi Lone) was killed in a fidayeen-type attack inside his guarded
house in the high security zone of Tulsibagh, normalcy had been restored to a
great extent when Mufti cleared out for Ghulam Nabi Azad of Congress in
November 2005.
It is no secret that Mufti
did not quit until Congress made an announcement in New Delhi that Azad had
been chosen as leader of the party’s MLAs. Entire month of October witnessed a
flurry of activity from Srinagar to Delhi. A multitude of Mufti’s advocates
pleaded for his continuance in chair “in the national interest” for the full
term of six years with varied arguments. Retired IB and RAW chief A.S. Dulat,
who also served as an advisor to Prime Minister Vajpayee, wrote an article in The Hindustan Times, while strongly
favouring Mufti’s extension.
The anti-climax occurred
hours after Mufti, having just returned from Uri alongwith Deputy Chief
Minister Mangat Ram Sharma, told the journalist Pervez Bukhari that he would
soon host an Iftar party for the media. It indicated Mufti’s over-confidence in
his continuing as head of the PDP-Congress coalition government. The journalist
at a crowded press conference at the Banquet Hall had asked Mufti if he was
going to step down or continue at the end of his three-year term that day.
Sonia Gandhi’s decision of
inducting Azad as the first Congress Chief Minister after Syed Mir Qasim’s
resignation in 1975 was believed to be influenced by Rahul Gandhi. Politicians
claimed that the National Conference top brass was also at work through Sachin
Pilot, Rahul and others. Amid speculations that men of consequence in Congress,
including Digvijay Singh, Ahmad Patel and M.L. Fotedar, were strongly in favour
of Mufti’s continuance, even the senior most Pranab Mukherjee in Jammu had
given unambiguous indications that Congress would go by the “national
interest”, not the party interest.
The valley experienced two
more years of peace as Azad began reviving the “developmental constituency”
Bakhshi Ghulam Mohammad had assiduously created for 10 years and finally
abandoned with his resignation as ‘Prime Minister’ under the Kamarj Plan in
October 1963. Until June 2007, the militancy was at its lowest ebb. There was
no stone pelting, separatist-sponsored shutdown or a major demonstration. Peace
and development had decisively neutralised all voices of secessionism and
political instability.
Without appeasement to militants
and separatists, and while loudly speaking against “terrorism”, Azad became the
first Chief Minister who got over a dozen SOG men, including then SSP of
Ganderbal Hans Raj Parihar, booked and arrested for killing five innocent
civilians in fake encounters as “foreign terrorists”. For years, no court
granted bail to the accused. Finally, a catastrophe befell the Valley in June
2007.
While Pakistan, Hurriyat and the militants had been forgotten
by the Kashmiris, the mainstream politicians triggered an explosion of regional
and communal polarisation — between the Muslim and the Hindu, between Kashmir
and Jammu — for the first time after 1947. Mufti and other PDP leaders warned
Azad publicly that they would withdraw support and bring down his government if
he did not cancel allotment of a piece of land to Shri Amarnath Shrine Board
that had been earmarked in compartment No: 63 of Sindh Forest for temporary use
by the pilgrims. Paradoxically, the allotment had been recommended and
facilitated by none other than the two PDP Ministers, namely Qazi Mohammad
Afzal and Tariq Hamid Karra,
[To be continued….]
[STATE TIMES]
[STATE TIMES]
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