The family frequently shuttled
between their ancestral home in Baba Mohalla of Bijbehara, a densely populated
downtown area on the left bank of the Jhelum river, and their second home in
Srinagar when her father, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, was Union home minister in
1989-90 and a separatist insurgency was sprouting like a volcanic eruption. Her
sister, Rubaiya, was effortlessly lifted from a minibus by Jammu and Kashmir Liberation
Front guerrillas in 1989.
When Sayeed ceased to be in
power, his personal security officer, Abdul Jabbar, with a pistol in his
pocket, would escort the politician’s wife, Gulshan, hiding under a burqa, on a
passenger bus from Nowgam to Bijbehara and back. When Sayeed became the state’s
chief minister for the first time in 2004, he took an extraordinary interest in
Bijbehara’s development. He roped in J&K Bank chairman Haseeb Drabu and
added splendour to the famous Dara Shikoh garden across the Jhelum.
On January 29 this year,
Sayeed, in his second stint as chief minister, was scheduled to inaugurate a
resthouse in a corner of Dara Shikoh garden. He didn’t make it. Sayeed died in
Delhi on January 7. He was laid to his eternal rest close to the resthouse,
furlongs away from his ancestral home. His only child in politics and
successor, Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti, made numerous trips to Bijbehara for
the remembrance rituals.
The three-storey family
home, made in typical Kashmiri architecture in the early years of the 20th
century, now stands forlorn, guarded by the Jammu and Kashmir Police from
inside. Sayeed’s brother, Mufti Amin, and nephew, Mufti Sajjad, live in an
adjoining house, in the elbow of the shrine of 14th century saint Baba
Naseeb-ud-din Gazi.
On a visit to the
neighbourhood on Tuesday, for five minutes, there seemed to be no sign of life
in the ghost house. Knocking on the gate didn’t go waste though. One of the
armed guards, exposing half of his face from a peephole, said the Muftis had shifted
“to some other place” after the situation turned explosive with Hizbul
Mujahideen militant Burhan Wani’s death in an encounter on July 8.
Only a few people could be
seen strolling or driving in the neighbourhood. It looked like a curfew town.
Four neighbours said Mufti Amin and Mufti Sajjad, who retired as a divisional
forest officer and is now the Peoples Democratic Party’s coordinator for south
Kashmir, could be “either in Srinagar or at their new mansion” in New Colony of
Bijbehara.
On October 30, two
officers, including a senior official of the education department, claimed to
have seen a green and white Pakistani national flag hanging against a side
window of the Mufti home. That room was where Sayeed had spent the prime of his
youth. The flag did not exist two days later. The guards had perhaps mustered
the courage to remove it – the way one had been pulled down earlier, but not
before it had made headlines and been shown on television news channels.
Mazaar-e-Shuhada
A short distance from Baba
Mohalla, a Pakistani flag fluttered, along with two flags of “Azad Jammu and
Kashmir” (Pakistan-occupied Kashmir), on the arch of the entrance to the
Mazaar-e-Shuhada, a public park-turned-cemetery for civilians and militants
killed by security forces after 1993. An eerie silence prevailed. Nobody seemed
to be living in the rows of opulent houses in New Colony. Graffiti on street
walls and alleys declared Bijbehara “Burhan’s town”, “Hizbul Mujahideen’s town”
and part of the “Islamic Republic of Pakistan”.
Mufti Sajjad’s palatial new
house is at a stone’s throw from the cemetery, which is meticulously fenced
with a plinth and painted iron grill and houses the tombs of 43 men. Twenty-two
of them were among the 34 demonstrators killed in firing by the Border Security
Force on October 22, 1993, during a procession against the Army siege of the
shrine of Hazratbal. The month-long stand-off between the Jammu and Kashmir
Liberation Front and the Army was later resolved when the Union government gave
safe passage to the militants holed up in the shrine without bloodshed.
Of the 34 killed, the names
of 32 are inscribed on a marble stone at the rear of the cemetery. The last one
is that of a 15-year-old Kashmiri Pandit boy, Kanwal Ji Kaul alias Babloo.
Kaul’s name is conspicuously
missing from a new commemoration installed on the left side of the park’s
entrance. “It’s not because he was a Pandit,” said Ghulam Rasool, a resident.
“In fact, around a dozen of the Muslim martyrs’ names are also not there. The
management has put up the names of only those who are buried here.”
Eighteen of the 21 buried
in the New Colony graveyard between 1994 and 2016 are militants – seven of them
foreigners, including an Afghan national. At the bottom of the list are the
names Adil Ahmad Sheikh and Tanveer Ahmad Bhat, both Hizbul Mujahideen
militants and residents of Bijbehara who were killed in an encounter at Siligam
Mattan in Anantnag on November 23, 2015. Around 8,000 people attended the
funeral prayers of each of them, around double the number who joined Sayeed’s
last rites.
Aamir Nazir Latoo, a
Masters student of commerce at Aligarh Muslim University and a former Delhi
University pupil, is the last name on the list. He was one of the four
Bijbehara civilians killed in firing by security forces during the summer
unrest after the death of Burhan Wani. The turbulence, which has waned but not
ceased, claimed around 90 lives across Kashmir and left thousands injured.
The graveyard in New Colony
is one of four in Bijbehara, the others being at Jablipora, Zirpara and Pirshah
Mohalla. The flags of Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir have been removed
from these three.
There have been reports of
militants visiting New Colony, which some residents confirmed. They said that
on October 22, the anniversary of the 1993 massacre, armed militants appeared at
the graveyard and paid salutes to the men buried there.
Militants’ writ
One of the residents is a
retired police officer. In July, he received a letter alleging his son, a
station house officer in adjoining Kulgam district, had committed atrocities on
innocent people. As directed in the letter, the retired policeman walked into
the local mosque and read out an apology on behalf of his family, fearing that
a member could be killed or his house demolished. In Kulgam, militants and
demonstrators damaged the house of his son’s father-in-law, who was an MLA in
the 1970s, and paraded dogs with tags of his grandchildren’s names. His son,
now posted in a different district, could not attend an engagement of a family
member in Bijbehara last week as he learned that militants were on the prowl.
Two residents, speaking on
condition of anonymity, said: “They [militants] stay here without fear of
cordon and search operations as they enjoy tremendous public support.”
According to them, small groups of armed men, including Pakistani jihadist
cadres, appear at weddings and mosques where they indoctrinate the youth for
jihad.
One of the officials, who
did not want to be identified, claimed militants had recruited 20 cadre and 50
overground workers in the last four months in Bijbehara.
Members of the Special
Operations Group of the Anantnag Police, however, claimed only five youth were missing
in all of Anantnag, and that just two of them were residents of Bijbehara. “We
are aware that one of them has joined the Hizbul Mujahideen and another the
LeT,” said an officer. “We are trying to learn about the three others.”
He, however, admitted
militants enjoyed “substantial public support” in parts of Anantnag,
particularly in the Bijbehara-Kulgam belt. He said the Special Operations
Group, along with the Army and Border Security Force, carried out
cordon-and-search operations “wherever we get specific information”. Residents
said that the Police and security forces swooped down on some interiors and
spread fear while thrashing the youths and shattering windows, like on the day
of Eid-ul-Azha, but they insisted that the forces had not ventured into areas
like New Colony for fear of the mob and the militant attacks.
According to Inspector
Arshad Khan, station house officer of Bijbehara, the town is among the places
worst-hit by the 117-day-long unrest in the Valley. “We have faced fierce
attacks from stone-pelters and miscreants,” he said. “They killed a police
official by pushing his vehicle into the Jhelum. They torched trucks, damaged
hundreds of civilian and police vehicles and left the drivers and commuters
besides scores of our men injured.”
He added that the last
three days, though, had seen no fresh attacks and expressed relief at the fact
that a good number of vehicles were now plying on the Srinagar-Jammu highway
after over three months of anarchy.
Confirming the presence of
militants in the chief minister’s town, Khan said, “Yes, once they thrashed
some residents as punishment, attacked Mufti Sajjad’s house, and on July 11
(the day Aamir Nazir Latoo was injured in firing), they attacked the CRPF.” He
added, “In the latest incident on October 22, they paid tribute to people
buried in the cemetery. We have registered five FIRs against them and their
supporters.”
Khan also said the police
and security forces had removed numerous Pakistani flags and anti-India and
pro-Pakistan graffiti across town. “Let me admit, we are less in number. At
some places, we erase graffiti or remove a Pakistani flag but they return the
next day and install it again,” he said. “As of today, we are not aware of any
Pakistani or PoK flag being there in the town.”
On Wednesday, after the
inspector sensed a story on Pakistani flags would run in the media, a large
number of police and security personnel swooped on Bijbehara and removed the
enemy vestiges.
Total disconnect
The situation in Bijbehara
is to a large extent the way it is because of the disconnect between pro-India
politicians and residents. The politicians’ failure to take on the separatists
politically and their leaving everything to the police and Army has given new lease
of life to militants and separatists, who had been almost completely
marginalised by the massive voter turnout during the Lok Sabha and Assembly
elections in 2014.
“The BJP government at the
Centre failed to consolidate the gains of the successful Assembly elections. On
one hand, they seem to be more concerned about strengthening their base in
Jammu and ruling the State. On the other hand, they chose to remain permissive
to the premium the Congress government had kept on the separatism. The result
is that even a party like NC does now borrow the Hurriyat language”, said a
retired headmaster. “Nobody is representing the real Kashmir constituency”.
Competitive separatism and
lending credence to the Pakistani narrative, remarkably in rotation by
Mehbooba’s PDP and Omar Abdullah’s National Conference for years, have made
hardliner Syed Ali Shah Geelani the most relevant politician in the last 18
months of the PDP-BJP rule. Government has failed to break his writ and the
near-total shutdown his followers have enforced for four months.
Nazir Ahmad Najar, whose
son Shafqat alias Waseem was hit by pellets used by security forces in
September and lost his eyesight, said his family had been voting for the PDP
since 2002. “The Muftis’ home is yards away from my home but none of them
enquired about my son, let alone visiting us at home or in the hospital,” said
Najar, who runs a street barbeque stall.
“They just make false
claims and statements,” he added. “We were not given a pie of support. The
local Jamia Masjid did a bit of support but I spent 90% on the treatment of my
son out of my pocket.”
Who will he vote for the
next time? “No one,” he said, sitting in his house with its shattered window
panes. “If I will see anybody going to the polling station, I will kill people.
We need nothing from them, just azadi.”
Asked what the government
should do, he replied, “They should hold a plebiscite under the UN resolutions
and solve the Kashmir problem for ever.”
Najar’s second son, Irfan,
is a first-year BA student at the Government Degree College in Bijbehara and
wants to excel in sports, like the famous cricketer from the same
neighbourhood, Pervez Rasool. But unlike Rasool, Irfan plays volleyball. Along
with his father and his brother Shafqat, Irfan believes Sayeed would not have
been “this cruel”. “He too would have harmed the freedom struggle but, for
sure, he would have been different”, Irfan said.
“Mehbooba is no match for
her father. She is making juvenile statements and hysterical reactions and
taking diktats from the BJP. Even three months after the demand came from
different quarters, she has failed to freeze the pellet guns. Over a thousand
people were injured, over 300 like me turned blind”, said Shafqat, who claimed
that he was fired upon by a CRPF man when he was returning to his home from a
market.
Dr Bashir Ahmad Veeri, the
National Conference legislator from Bijbehara, said the situation was a result
of the “immoral relationship” between the PDP and the BJP. “In elections, PDP
leaders beat us all in opposing the BJP. They asked the people to vote to keep
the killers of Gujarat’s Muslims away from power in India’s only
Muslim-majority state,” he said. “But within months, they formed a government
with the same BJP leaders. How could it be acceptable to the Kashmiris?”
Veeri predicted not more
than 7% to 10% of Kashmiris would turn up to vote if elections to two vacant
Lok Sabha seats, Anantnag and Srinagar, were to be held any time soon.
Admitting to his
government’s failure to connect with people, PDP spokesperson Dr Mehboob Beg
said, “Yes, nobody comes forward to meet us.”
Giving a sense of Geelani’s
call for a social boycott of the government, he added, “I stayed at my Sarnal
(Anantnag) home for a couple of days recently and not a single person visited
me. They just called on the phone and said they would see me in Jammu next
time. There’s tremendous fear among the people.”
The ruling party held a
workers’ meeting in Anantnag on Tuesday but only a few attended it.
Beg said the alliance would
find a way out of the current mess. “It (turmoil) may die down but it will
raise its head again and again until the unresolved dispute is settled,” he
said. “We formed a government with the BJP after they committed in the Agenda
of Alliance that the Centre would hold talks with Pakistan and the separatists.
Talking to Pakistan is absurd as long as the stone-pelting and border clashes
continue, but there should be no hindrance in talking to the Hurriyat. We are
optimistic the BJP will take the initiative.”
The legislator said
“intellectuals and newspapers” were also to blame for the situation. “In every
opinion piece and news report, you see glorification of turbulence and
legitimacy being accorded to the separatist mindset,” Beg said. “During Indira
Gandhi’s time, you would see nothing like this. The writers would fear action
against them. Now, there’s no such fear.”
[Ahmed Ali Fayyaz is a
senior journalist. He has been Srinagar Bureau Chief with Daily Excelsior and
Jammu & Kashmir Bureau Chief with The Hindu]
[Published exclusively by Scroll.in]