2016
was PDP’s, BJP’s and NC’s creation, not Pakistan’s and Hurriyat’s
Who upset India’s applecart in Kashmir in
2008-16?
Part 3________
JAMMU: Like that of the
year 2008, which saw the anti-climax in a successful Assembly election, the
summer turmoil of 2010 was followed by the highest-turnout Panchayat elections
next year. The signing off slogans like ‘khoon
ka badla June mein lenge’ proved to be hollow as the people of Kashmir did
yet again turn their back on the separatists. Developmental activity went
remarkably up and the Valley witnessed the best of its trade and tourism
seasons in 2011, 2013 and, until the day of floods, 2014.
Much more than the
separatists, it were the mainstream opposition leaders who attempted to create
another major turbulence when Afzal Guru was hanged to death in Tihar Jail in
February 2013. Someone demanded Guru’s mortal remains and someone glorified his
death as “sacrifice” and “martyrdom”. To beat them in the same currency, even
Chief Minister Omar Abdullah warned the Centre that Guru’s death would lead to
a fresh spell of insurgency. It didn’t. Nobody died in protest.
Again, the same year, the
mainstream political parties, including BJP, left no stone unturned to create
the stage for a communal flare-up when six demonstrators got killed during a
mob attack on a paramilitary camp and when, subsequently, at least three
persons got killed and hundreds of shops and vehicles were set on fire on the
day of Eid in Kishtwar. Omar put his put down and did not allow any of the
political leaders — notably the BJP’s top brass from Jammu and Delhi and the
separatists from Srinagar—towards Kishtwar for several weeks.
In the four years following
2010, the only major threat to normalcy poured in with the flash floods of
September 2014. Like in 2002-08, Kashmiris forgot about militancy and
separatist politics and no major clash or incident of bloodshed occurred to
disturb the tranquillity. Significantly, death of two civilians during an
operation in Sumbal followed by killing of two young students in Army’s firing
at Chhatergam did not shatter the ambience of peace in the Valley.
Before and after the
floods, the year 2014 proved to be historic as Jammu and Kashmir witnessed the
best-held Parliamentary and Assembly elections. From October to December, hundreds
of hugely attended political rallies took place across the Valley. Colourful
banners, buntings and posters, besides giant hoardings of different political
parties— particularly those of Rahul Gandhi and Narendra Modi—surfaced
throughout South Kashmir. None of these were guarded by Police or security
forces and not one was damaged, set on fire or pulled down anywhere. Around a
dozen personnel, including militants, died but the fidayeen attack on a Police establishment on Baramulla-Uri Road
failed to disrupt the atmosphere for elections.
The Assembly elections of
unprecedented enthusiasm and participation were conducted in October-December,
2014. For the first time after 1983, there were no allegations of rigging,
other unfair means, no attempts of intimidation, intervention or coercion by
security forces or partisan role of the polling staff. The results were equally
accepted by all the political parties even as none of them secured majority of
44 seats to form the Government independently.
Over two months of
negotiations between the PDP, that had won maximum number of seats (25) in
Kashmir, and the BJP, winner of 25 seats in Jammu, culminated into the
formation of a coalition Government headed by Mufti Mohammad Sayeed in March
2015.
Within a week of his taking
over, Mufti ordered the release of Massarat Alam Bhat— driver of the 2010
turmoil. Next month, Alam was permitted to organise a major pro-Pakistan
demonstration in reception of the separatist hardliner Syed Ali Shah Geelani in
front of the office of Director General of Police and the J&K Police
headquarters on the airport road. While his followers waved hundreds of
Pakistani flags, Alam led them with slogans like “Hafiz Sayeed ka kya paigam, Kashmir banega Pakistan”.
Next day, Alam organised a
similar show in Tral on occasion of the 4th day ceremony of the
militant Burhan Wani’s brother, Khalid, who had been killed in an encounter
between the militants and Army on a hill top.
Even as Alam was
re-arrested under BJP’s and the national media’s pressure, his two
demonstrations proved to be a turning point. Thousands of the Kashmiri youths,
particularly the College and University students, began identifying themselves
with the separatist movement and looking for fresh icons.
The vacuum was filled up by
the 21-year-old not-so-famous Burhan Wani who hogged headlines and dominated
media—social as well as the regular—with his inflammatory statements, videos
and interviews. Until his death in an encounter, Government did not block his
access to Internet as he kept posting threats to Police, announced to establish
Caliphate, mobilised and enrolled youths and even organised cricket tournaments
in South Kashmir.
Within a year of the
history’s most successful election, South Kashmir became out of bounds for all
pro-India politicians including the Ministers and MLAs of the ruling party
known to be having a soft corner for Burhan and his organisation. After March
2015, there was not a single cordon-and-search operation by security forces
that was not disrupted by stone pelting mobs. Over a dozen of the top wanted
militants are said to have escaped under the cover of these clashes. Even
civilian casualties failed to restore order and fear of the forces.
By the time three militants
of Bijbehara area died in an encounter in Mattan, in November 2015, PDP and NC
had completely surrendered their space to the militants. While as 8,000 to
10,000 residents of Mufti’s home town of Bijbehara attended the funeral of each
of the three militants, less than 4,000 participated in Mufti’s own when he was
laid to rest in January 2016. Even the shops did not shut.
Even after the Chief
Minister Mehbooba Mufti was returned from Anantnag in a low-turnout by-election
in June, the boiling point of the much-sustained unrest came with Burhan Wani’s
death in an encounter within a fortnight. It proved to be a volcanic eruption
as nearly 90 demonstrators were killed and thousands injured in the subsequent
clashes and protests for 5 months in the Valley. The number of the participants
in Burhan’s funeral is claimed to be between 50,000 and 200,000. This
groundswell, Mehbooba recently admitted in Assembly, had not been imagined by
anybody in her party of the Government. An unprecedented barrage of Pakistani
flags all across the Valley did not subside until hundreds of people---some
claim thousands---were detained.
Police and administrative
machinery remained almost completely crippled for over four months of continued
curfew and shutdown. They fished in the troubled waters but, as on date, the
Government has not produced any credible evidence of Pakistan’s or Hurriyat’s
hand in the ‘Ragda-2016’. On the contrary, every mainstream political party’s
subscription to the turmoil is evident from North to South Kashmir.
From stone pelting to
arson, that damaged hundreds of public properties, schools and over 15,000
vehicles and caused loss of Rs 16,000 crore to the State economy, it were the
workers of the mainstream political parties who were openly on the forefront. Family
background of the detainees, who attacked Police stations and looted weapons,
makes it all the more clear. Not surprising if the elected lawmakers of PDP or
NC or an independent MLA call Burhan Wani a “martyr” and his death “sacrifice
to the cause of freedom”.
[Concluded]
END
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